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Conclusions from the Seminar on Sunnis and Shiites Held in Cordoba
From October 28, 2013 until November 17, 2013
The seminar Sunnis and Shiites: Political Interpretations of a Religious Dichotomy, held at Casa Árabe’s headquarters in Cordoba last Tuesday, October 22nd, was evaluated by the participants as an excellent exercise in debate, as well as being informative and complementary, thanks to the varied profiles of the speakers and researchers.
Among those attending, the following institutions were represented: Spain’s International Development Cooperation Agency (AECID), the International Center for Peace in Toledo (CITPax), the Spanish Transition Foundation and the UNESCO Professorship for Conflict Resolution at the University of Cordoba.
The following were some of the most interesting highlights discussed throughout the seminar:
1. Saudi Arabia and Iran are the two regional powers whose influence and maneuvers in large part affect the processes of transition in Arab countries and the disputes between the two branches of Islam.
2. A new sectarianism is being expressed in different shapes and sizes. Being a small group does not mean being less of a threat to stability (in particular, due to the use of instantaneous means of communication).
3. The differences and conflicts amongst Sunnis are complex and difficult to deal with, as are those amongst Shiites. They are not homogeneous groups which answer to one single authority.
4. Despite the fact that the nation-state’s strength has been diminished in terms of dealing with non-governmental role-players (Hezbollah in Lebanon, militant groups in Syria and armed militias in Iraq), in many cases it is the only structure with instruments to slow down the expansion of sectarianism.
5. The hypothesis that the borders established by the Sykes-Picot Agreement in 1916 are anachronistic and will give way to a new map along sectarian lines is not completely applicable at the present time. Despite the rhetoric, there are more incentives to continue with the current order than to seek a new one.
6. One must not underestimate the power of symbolism and the mass media in broadening the sectarian divide. Attacks on places of worship, the lack of a symbolic handshake and live media broadcasts can very easily complicate co-existence. In this sense, combining social media with traditional media (TV, radio and the written press) can be highly damaging.
7. It is necessary to achieve a better understanding of youths, whose role in the recent popular Arab uprisings is undeniable. How are “cult mentalities” and the role of victimhood formed, and how does this diminish the notion of citizenship?
8. Politics is the decisive factor in the sectarian divide. For others, there is a causal factor which originates from the religious, which is why it is urgent to seek change in the thought of religious authorities.
9. There are new terms which have been added to the everyday vocabulary, at least in academic circles. The “Shiitization” of certain countries (Lebanon, Syria, Iraq); the use of fatwas in the public sphere (edicts which are issued by Islamic authorities of questionable formation), which is taking over the media; positive sectarian discrimination.
10. In more philosophical terms, one must learn to live with irreconcilable differences and cease wanting to reconcile. Mediation must seek peaceful co-existence, but not just through dialogue, because this is insufficient.
11. In the same way that tolerance is not enough, because it is a passive form of acceptance, what must be carried out is active promotion of differences and diversity.
12. The advancement of sectarianism in countries like Lebanon, Syria, Bahrain and Iraq is critical, but it is important not to lose sight of what is taking place in Yemen, Saudi Arabia and Egypt. Even Iran, which thinks more in strategic terms, is becoming more and more influenced by sectarian dynamics.
The following were some of the most interesting highlights discussed throughout the seminar:
1. Saudi Arabia and Iran are the two regional powers whose influence and maneuvers in large part affect the processes of transition in Arab countries and the disputes between the two branches of Islam.
2. A new sectarianism is being expressed in different shapes and sizes. Being a small group does not mean being less of a threat to stability (in particular, due to the use of instantaneous means of communication).
3. The differences and conflicts amongst Sunnis are complex and difficult to deal with, as are those amongst Shiites. They are not homogeneous groups which answer to one single authority.
4. Despite the fact that the nation-state’s strength has been diminished in terms of dealing with non-governmental role-players (Hezbollah in Lebanon, militant groups in Syria and armed militias in Iraq), in many cases it is the only structure with instruments to slow down the expansion of sectarianism.
5. The hypothesis that the borders established by the Sykes-Picot Agreement in 1916 are anachronistic and will give way to a new map along sectarian lines is not completely applicable at the present time. Despite the rhetoric, there are more incentives to continue with the current order than to seek a new one.
6. One must not underestimate the power of symbolism and the mass media in broadening the sectarian divide. Attacks on places of worship, the lack of a symbolic handshake and live media broadcasts can very easily complicate co-existence. In this sense, combining social media with traditional media (TV, radio and the written press) can be highly damaging.
7. It is necessary to achieve a better understanding of youths, whose role in the recent popular Arab uprisings is undeniable. How are “cult mentalities” and the role of victimhood formed, and how does this diminish the notion of citizenship?
8. Politics is the decisive factor in the sectarian divide. For others, there is a causal factor which originates from the religious, which is why it is urgent to seek change in the thought of religious authorities.
9. There are new terms which have been added to the everyday vocabulary, at least in academic circles. The “Shiitization” of certain countries (Lebanon, Syria, Iraq); the use of fatwas in the public sphere (edicts which are issued by Islamic authorities of questionable formation), which is taking over the media; positive sectarian discrimination.
10. In more philosophical terms, one must learn to live with irreconcilable differences and cease wanting to reconcile. Mediation must seek peaceful co-existence, but not just through dialogue, because this is insufficient.
11. In the same way that tolerance is not enough, because it is a passive form of acceptance, what must be carried out is active promotion of differences and diversity.
12. The advancement of sectarianism in countries like Lebanon, Syria, Bahrain and Iraq is critical, but it is important not to lose sight of what is taking place in Yemen, Saudi Arabia and Egypt. Even Iran, which thinks more in strategic terms, is becoming more and more influenced by sectarian dynamics.
